Doondh ke oos paar

Jammu Kashmir rajay  ko accession ke baad bharat se sambhidhanik drishti se door ja najdeek dekhana neyayae sangat nahin hai

By

*Daya Sagar

Bharat virodee shaktieon aur kush  aantrik satta par nazar rakhanae balae  logoan ne Bharat ke vidhan ki dhaara  370  , J&K Vidhan , rajay dawaj jaesae vishayeon ko J&K rajay ko bharat se alag kar ke bahar ki dooniaan aur aam admi ke samnae rakhnae ke lagataar paryaas keeyae hain.Enhee parayasoan mein ek aur kadee Omar Abdullah jee ne , janae anjanae, 25 September ke din European Union ke rajdoot  Joao Cravinho ke netrativ balae ek pratineedhemandal se huyee apnee varta ka veora detae huyae jod dee hai. Aaj oon ki baat cheet ka veora smachaar banae huyae karib teen saptah honae balae hain par na hi eis sandharv mein kahae geyae shabdoan ka oon ki aur se koyee khandan aeyaa hai na hi kam se kam Bharat ke greh mantralay ki aur se Omar Abdullah dawara oothay geyae parashnaon ya oon ke dawara accession jaesae visheon ki kee geyee veakheaa ka koyee khandan ya  kisee aur prakaar ki veakhyaa huyee hai.

Esee tarah se jammu Kashmir ke nagrikoan ke liyae STATE SUBJECT CERTIFICATE ya Permanent  Resident Certificate ke prabhdhaan ko bhi algabbaad ke chinh ke tor par deekhaeya jaata rahaa hai jab ke J&K constitution ki Section- 6 ke anusaar   J&K  state subject certificate sirf oos vayakti ko mil sakta hai pehlae bharat ka nagrik ho. Par eisbaat ko badae halkae dang se leeya geyaa hai.Jis ki bharat ki nagrikta chalee jaeygee oos ka Permanent Resident ka darja khud hi chala jaega.

Esee prakaar kush log jeh kehtae hain ki Dhara 370 Jammu Kashmir  ko vaidanik str ( constitutionally )  par special status deta hai jab ki Bharat ke Vidhan mein yeh special daraom ( articles ) ki shreni mein aanae ke bajaey  temporary dharaon me rakhee geyee hai. Par eis deesha mein bhi sahee vibran aur veeyakheyaa karnae ke pareyaas Delhi dawara  sahee deesha mein nahin huyae hain.Eis liyae na hotae huyae bhi dhara 370  ko algabbaad ka ek chinh bana kar Bharat Sarkaar virodee aur Bharat Rashtra virodee tatboan ke leeya  aam nagrik aur dooniaan ko deekhanae ke leeyae ek tarah se shod deeya geyaa hai.

Bharat ka sambhidan aur Jammu Kashmir riayasat aksar charcha aur baad vivaad ka vishay banaeya geya hai.Par aaj ke din yeh vishay, jab bhi Jammu Kashmir ke sandharv mein baat hotee hai, jaroor sab ka dhayaan kheench leta hai. Kush log to kehtae hain ki  bharat ke sambhidhan ki dhara( article) 370 hi aaj bhi mool vivaad ( Kashmir ke vishay mein) ki jad hai . Kush log toe jahaan tak keh detae hain hain ki dhara 370 jaesee dhara  rakhanae ki sharat Maharaja Hari Singh dawara keeyae geyae ‘accession’ mein leekhi thee. Eis se asatay (lie) aur mun- ghadat baat aur keeya ho sakti hai par aesa kehnae baloan ko bhi Delhi  avam mukhaydhara ke kahae jane balae neataon dawara  samay par nakaara aur fatkaara nahin geyaa hai. Satta se judae jo log jeh mantae aur kehtae hain ki aab dhara 370  koyee khaas mahatab nahin rakhtee kayon ki  esee dhara ke rastae  bharat ke vidhan ke bahoot se prabdhan, bharat ki sansad dwara parit bahoot se kanoon aur Jammu Kashmir ke vidhan ki kush kunthit dharoaon ka badla swaroop  aaj Jammu Kashmir ko Bharat ke vidhan ke bahoot karib le aeyae hain.Par eis prakaar ke baat kehna  bhi theek nahin hai keon ki Dhara 370 bharat ke samvidhan ka ansh hai aur sambhidhanik darishti se  jammu Kashmir rajay ko 1947 ke accession ke baad bharat se sambhidhanik dristi se door ja najdeek dekhana neyayae sangat nahin hai aur aesa kehnae se shankaon ka nivaran nahin hota. Haan jeh jaroor kahaa ja sakta hai ki jasae bharat kee kush reaasatoan ke leeyae bharat ke sambhidhan mein  Dhara249 aur Dhara 371 jaesee dharaein 1950  mein rakhee gehyee theen baesae hi J&K rajay ke leeyae Dhara-370 rakhee geyee thee.

Jo log jae mantae hain ki Dhara-370 ke karan Jammu Kashmir Rajay ka bharat mein poorn Milan nahin huyaa hai oon ko yeh bhi kehna chahiyae ki jin rajeon ke leeyae leekhit roop se State List banee hai aur jab tak bharat ke sambhidhan mein Dhara -249 hai tab tak oon ka bhi  bharat ke saath accession(‘vilay’) poorn nahin hai. Par aesa na  oon logoan ne aaj tak kahaa hai aur na bo keh saktae hain. Agar kush kaha ja sakta hai toe bo sirf jae ho sakta hai ki Dhara-370 ke rastae aaj J&K riyasat bhi bahrat ke anay rajeon ki vaidhanik karaypranaali ke bahoot karib aa geyee hai. Eis liyae  eis Vishay mein ab jeada vaad vivaad nahin hona dena chahiyae.

Par aaj ke din yeh bhi ek katu sataya hai ki Bharat ke saath Jammu Kashmir rajay ka samvedhanik rishta, jo aam admi ko kush mukhay dhara ke logoan dawara bhi, beena rok tok ke deekhanae ki koshish hotee rahi hai, jakinan  oon logoan ke liyae jo bharat virodhi hain and Jammu Kashmir ki samvedhanik sthitee par prashan oothatae hain/ aur oothatae rahae hain ek aesa hathiaar ban geyaa hai jis ka tod lagta hai aaj ke din Delhi mein baithee sarkaroan ko aasani se milta nahin dikhta ya bo eis Vishay mein 2013 mein bhi samvedansheel nahin hai.Agar aesa  na hota toee Omar Abdulla Jee dwara 25 Septembter ko kahee geyee batoan , jasae k I …..( i). J&K’s accession with India was on four issues only—Currency, Communication, Foreign affairs and Defence.(ii).“While all the states acceded to Union of India and then merged with it, JK only acceded and did not merge. That is why we have a special status, our own constitution and the State flag,” (iii).There are diverse views regarding the Kashmir issue. While one extremist view is for secession, The other extremist opinion is total merger of the state with the union of India. .. ka Delhi dawara kareeb 3 saptah baad bhi spashtikaran na denae  ki baat na hotee.

 Samay ke saath saath  Bharat aur Jammu Kashmir ke sambandoan par prashan oothanae balon ki sankheya bhi badtee geyee hai. Aur khaas kar Kashmir ghati ke aam admi ke man mein  bhi din prati din  shankayein badtee geyee hain jis ka labh alagabbaadion ko mila hai, eis tathay ko har bharti ko aaj manna hoga aur apnae rajnetaon par ab sthitee ko samvedansheelta se lenae ke leeyae dabab banana hi hoga. Eis Vishay mein ab jeada vaad vivaad nahin hona dena chahiyae.

Bharat ke greh mantaralay ko, agar bahaan satta mein baethae log bharat ki jammu Kashmir riayasat mein shanti bahalee ke leeyae sach much chintit hain, beena kisee deree ke kam se kam “accession” aur “merger” jaesae shabdaon kae veobharik arth ko apnae dang se keh kar neyae veevaad paeda karnae balae vaktbeon ka ( bo bhi  accession ke 66 saal baad Jammu Kashmir ke Mukhay Mantri dawra ) oochit oottar dena  hi hoga  aur eik oochit ‘advisory’ bhi issue karni hogee.

‘Merger’ aur ‘accession’ shabdoan ka arth oos seema se parae nahin dekha ja sakta jo sambhidhan bananae baloan ne apnae samnae rakhee thee jaesae ki ‘merger’ shabd oon  princely states par lagoo hota tha jin ko samay stheetee ko dheyaan mein rakhtae huyae ek doosarae mein meela deeya tha. Chotae rajay doosarae rajayeon mein  poori tarah apna astitv chod kar milae thae, na ki bharat mein. Eis baat ke meetheya prachaar karnae balaon ko bharat ko rokna hoga.

( * Daya Sagar is a Sr coloumnist of Kashmir affairs and a social activist  dayasagr45@yahoo.com).

DJ 12102103

विलय पर केंद्र का नजरिया भारत विरोधी शक्तियों और कुछ आतंरिक सत्ता पर नजर रखने वाले लोगों ने भारत के विधान की धारा 370, जेएंडके विधान, राज्य ध्वज जैसे विषयों को जेएंडके राज्य को भारत से अलग करके बाहर की दुनिया और आम आदमी के सामने रखने के लगातार प्रयास किए हैं। इन्हीं प्रयासों में एक और कड़ी उमर अब्दुल्ला ने जाने अनजाने में 25 सिंतबर के दिन यूरोपियन यूनियन के राजदूत जोआ क्राविनो के नेतृत्व वाले एक प्रतिनिधिमंडल से हुए अपने वार्ता का ब्योरा देते हुए जोड़ दी है। आज उनकी बातचीत का ब्योरा समाचार बने हुए करीब तीन सप्ताह हो गए हैं पर न ही इस संदर्भ में कहे गए शब्दों का उनकी ओर से कोई खंडन आया है, न ही कम से कम भारत के गृह मंत्रलय की ओर से उमर अब्दुल्ला द्वारा उठाए गए प्रश्नों या उनके द्वारा विलय जैसे विषयों की व्याख्या का कोई खंडन या किसी और प्रकार की व्याख्या हुई है।1इसी तरह से जम्मू-कश्मीर के नागरिकों के लिए स्टेट सब्जेक्ट सर्टिफिकेट या परमानेंट रेजिडेंट सर्टिफिकेट के प्रावधान को भी अलगाववाद के चिन्ह के तौर पर दिखाया जाता रहा है, जबकि राज्य संविधान की धारा 6 के अनुसार जेएंडके स्टेट सब्जेक्ट सर्टिफिकेट सिर्फ उस व्यक्तिको मिल सकता है जो पहले भारत का नागरिक हो। पर इस बात को बड़े हल्के ढंग से लिया गया है, जिसकी भारत की नागरिकता चली जाए उसको परमानेंट रेजिडेंट का दर्जा खुद चला जाएगा। 1इस प्रकार कुछ लोग यह कहते हैं कि धारा 370 जम्मू-कश्मीर को सैद्धांतिक स्तर पर विशेष दर्जा देता है, जबकि भारत के विधान में यह विशेष धाराओं की श्रेणी में आने के बजाय अस्थायी धाराओं में रखे गए हैं। इस दिशा में भी सही विवरण और व्याख्या करने के प्रयास दिल्ली द्वारा सही दिशा में नहीं हुए हैं। इसलिए न होते हुए भी धारा 370 को अलगाववाद का एक चिन्ह बनाकर भारत सरकार विरोधी और भारत राष्ट्र विरोधी तत्वों के लिए आम नागरिक और दुनिया को दिखाने के लिए एक तरह से छोड़ दिए गए हैं। भारत का संवैधानिक और जम्मू-कश्मीर रियासत अक्सर चर्चा और वाद-विवाद का विषय बनाए गए हैं। पर आज के दिन यह विषय जब भी जम्मू-कश्मीर के संदर्भ में बात होती है जरूर सब का ध्यान खींच लेता है। कुछ लोग तो कहते हैं कि भारत के संविधान की धारा 370 ही आज भी मूल विवाद की जड़ है। कुछ लोग तो यहां तक कह देते हैं कि धारा 370 जैसी धारा रखने की शर्त महाराजा हरि सिंह द्वारा किए गए विलय में लिखी थी। 1इससे असत्य और मनगढ़ंत बात और क्या हो सकती है, पर ऐसा कहने वालों को भी दिल्ली अवाम मुख्य धारा के कहे जाने वाले नेताओं द्वारा समय पर नकारा और फटकारा नहीं गया है। सत्ता से जुड़े जो लोग यह मानते और कहते हैं कि अब धारा 370 कोई खास महत्व नहीं रखती, क्योंकि इसी धारा के रास्ते भारत के विधान के बहुत से प्रावधान भारत की संसद द्वारा पारित बहुत से कानून और जम्मू-कश्मीर के विधान की कुछ कुंठित धाराओं का बदला स्वरूप आज जम्मू-कश्मीर को भारत के विधान के बहुत करीब ले आए हैं और संवैधानिक दृष्टि से जम्मू-कश्मीर राज्य को 1947 के विलय के बाद भारत से संवैधानिक दृष्टि से दूर या नजदीक दिखाना न्याय संगत नहीं है। ऐसा कुछ रियासतों के लिए भारत के संविधान में धारा 249 और धारा 371 जैसी धाराओं 1950 में रखी गई थी वैसे ही जेएंडके राज्य के लिए धारा 370 रखी गई थी।1जो लोग यह मानते हैं कि धारा 370 के कारण जम्मू-कश्मीर राज्य का भारत में पूर्ण विलय नहीं हुआ है, उनको यह भी कहना चाहिए कि जिन राज्यों के लिए लिखित रूप से स्टेट लिस्ट बनाए गए हैं और जब तक भारत के संविधान में धारा 249 है तब तक उनका भी भारत के साथ विलय पूर्ण नहीं है। पर ऐसा न उन लोगों ने आज तक कहा है और न वे कह सकते हैं। अगर कुछ कहा जा सकता है तो वह सिर्फ यह हो सकता है कि धारा 370 के रास्ते आज जेएंडके रियासत भी भारत के अन्य राज्यों की वैधानिक कार्यप्रणाली के बहुत करीब आ गई है। इसलिए इस विषय में अब ज्यादा वाद विवाद नहीं होने देना चाहिए।1पर आज के दिन यह भी एक कटु सत्य है कि भारत के साथ जम्मू-कश्मीर राज्य का संवैधानिक रिश्ता, जो आम आदमी को कुछ मुख्यधारा के लोगों द्वारा भी बिना रोक-टोक दिखाने की कोशिश होती रही है। यकीनन उन लोगों के लिए जो भारत विरोधी हैं और जम्मू-कश्मीर के संवैधानिक स्थिति पर प्रश्न उठाते हैं और उठाते रहे हैं, एक ऐसा हथियार बन गया है जिसका तोड़ लगता है आज के दिन दिल्ली में बैठी सरकारों को आसानी से मिलता नहीं दिखता या वह इस विषय पर वर्ष 2013 में भी संवेदनशील नहीं है। अगर ऐसा न होता तो उमर अब्दुल्ला द्वारा 25 सितंबर को कही गई बातों जैसे कि जेएंडके का भारत के साथ विलय सिर्फ चार विषयों मुद्रा, वार्तालाप, विदेशी मामलों और सुरक्षा पर हुई थी। भारत के सभी राज्यों की तुलना में जम्मू-कश्मीर को विशेष दर्जा देने और दो संविधान, दो निशान जैसे बयान का दिल्ली द्वारा करीब तीन सप्ताह बाद भी स्पष्टीकरण न देने की बात न होती। समय के साथ-साथ भारत और जम्मू-कश्मीर के संबंधों पर प्रश्न उठाने वालों की संख्या भी बढ़ती गई है। 1खासकर कश्मीर घाटी के आम आदमी के मन में दिन-प्रतिदिन शंका बढ़ती गई है, जिसका लाभ अलगाववादियों को मिला है। इस तथ्य को हर भारतीय को आज मानना होगा और अपने रिश्तों पर अब स्थिति को संवेदनशीलता से लेने के लिए दबाव बनाना होगा। इस विषय में अब ज्यादा विवाद नहीं होने देना चाहिए।1भारत के गृह मंत्रलय को अगर वहां सत्ता में बैठे लोग भारत की जम्मू-कश्मीर रियासत में शांति बहाली के लिए सचमुच चिंतित हैं, बिना किसी देरी के कम से कम विलय जैसे शब्दों के व्यावहारिक अर्थ को अपने ढंग से कहकर नए विवाद पैदा करने वाले वक्ताओं का उचित उत्तर देना ही होगा और एक उचित वैचारिक नीति भी जारी करनी होगी।1विलय शब्दों का अर्थ उस सीमा से परे नहीं जा सकते जो संविधान बनाने वालों ने अपने सामने रखे थे जैसे कि विलय शब्द उन राज्यों पर लागू होता था जिनको समय और स्थिति को ध्यान में रखते हुए एक दूसरे में मिला दिया था। छोटे राज्य दूसरे राज्यों में पूरी तरह अपना अस्तित्व छोड़कर मिले थे न कि भारत में। इस बात के मिथ्या प्रचार करने वालों को भारत को रोकना होगा।>>(लेखक जम्मू-कश्मीर मामलों के अध्येता हैं) गलत विवेचना 16कुछ लोग यह कहते हैं कि धारा 370 जम्मू-कश्मीर को सैद्धांतिक स्तर पर विशेष दर्जा देता है, जबकि भारत के विधान में यह विशेष धाराओं की श्रेणी में आने के बजाय अस्थायी धाराओं में रखे गए हैं। इस दिशा में भी सही विवरण और व्याख्या करने के प्रयास दिल्ली द्वारा सही दिशा में नहीं हुए हैं।1 16

A Look Through the mist

Anomalies created by amending Article -35 of  Constitution  by  a Presidential order are against the spirit of COI

By

Daya Sagar

In the recent times whenever I had to refer to THE CONSTITUTION (APPLICATION TO JAMMU AND KASHMIR) ORDER, 1950 C.O.10 Dated the 26th January, 1950  & THE CONSTITUTION (APPLICATION TO JAMMU AND KASHMIR) ORDER, 1954 C.O 48 of 14 May 1954  ( Presidential order) I have been feeling t  that  there is utmost need to constitutionally /logically  investigate into. There appear to have been committed some grave irregularities to the extent of  misuse / wrong use  of the provisions in  Article -370 of the Constitution of India.

To be brief may be the provisions that were for making simple exceptions and modifications had been used for amending different Articles of Constitution of India, like adding Article -35A  after Article-35 in the Constitution. Some other articles too have been made victim. 

In simple words, when ever a Clause  is added to an Article or is substituted for a clause of an Article ; or when ever an Article is added to the Constitution ; or a proviso is added to a Clause of an Article or to an Article, it is amendment of  Constitution/ Article of Constitution and President of India cannot  on his own issue any order in exercise of the powers conferred by Clause (1) of article 370 of the Constitution  merely on receipt of  concurrence of the Government of the State of Jammu and Kashmir;  President has to only declare such cases  after consultation with/ concurrence of State Government where a law is to be made / Constitution of India can be operated / is to  be operated / constitution is to be amended by the Parliament  as per provisions laid in Art-370 Clause (1) Sub-Clause (b-i) & (b-ii). 

A number of references contained in C.O 48 THE CONSTITUTION (APPLICATION TO JAMMU AND KASHMIR) ORDER, 1954 C.O 48 of 14 May 1954 do fall  in the class of amendment to COI  and that could be done only by the Parliament of India after reference / declaration  is made by President under Clause (1) Sub clause (b-i) & (b-ii).  Where as the expressions like “add” / “substitute” in Article  or In Clause … of Article…..   have been used in the said order.  Article -35  & 35A ; Article -368, Article-7, Article-19, could be quoted for examination. In a way it appears  to me that Article-16 ( rights to employment in government , Article-19 ( right to property/ trade ) have been violated  by the manner in which Article 35 A has been added in the Constitution of India by a simple Presidential order encroaching upon the powers of Parliament.

It could be inferred that the amendments have been ordered vide said order under the cover of  Sub-Clause(d) of the Clause-1 of Constitution of India that does not empower the President to perform  the functions of Parliament but only empowers the President to  order which laws passed by Parliament can be applicable to J&K also in toto or with some deletions / modifications . Modification here surely does not mean that President can amend an Article of Constitution of India without absolutely making no reference to Parliament.

It is often said that J&K Laws are violating the fundamental rights of Indian Citizens since J&K has a Separate Constitution. But if atall it is so, it is not so due  a ‘separate Constitution’ but is due the fact that J&K State had been allowed by GOI to violate some fundamental rights of  Citizens of India and provisions as contained in Articles like Article-16 (  Art- 16.1 There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens relating to employment  or appointment to any office under the State…...16.2  No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or office under the State…..    ) and Art-19 ( 19.1 All citizens shall have the right(a) to freedom of speech and expression ……………….; (e) to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India ;(f) to acquire, hold and dispose of property ; ………)  while further defining the existing relationship of the State with the Union of India as an integral part thereof . And the Constituent Assembly incorporated in J&K Constitution the Sections like Section-51 ( Candidature for J&K Legislature) , Section- 127 ( employment in J&K government institutions and Section-140 ( voter eligibility for Assembly Elections) read with Section-6 of J&K Constitution. This has been done under the Cover of ‘Article-35A’ of Constitution of India. In a way the power of Parliament to make laws /Acts under Articles like Article -16 , Article-19  to make special provisions for classes saving the fundamental rights was delegated to J&K Constituent Assembly / J&K Legislature under Art- 35 A of COI.  Property rights to Indian Citizens  who do not hold PRC  of J&K  have  been denied  in a very concealed manner by referring to existing laws  coming from the Maharaja Government.

The anomalies created by  amending Article -35 of Indian Constitution  by  a Presidential order are against the spirit of COI .  Adding after Article 35, the new Article -35 A in Constitution of India is amending the Constitution of India  by a Presidential order  simply with the concurrence of State Government. This  could be seen as unconstitutional since Constitution of India can not be amended  by a Presidential order under Article -370 but can be amended only under  the provisions and procedure as laid down in Article 368 of COI. It has remained unquestioned for over 6 decades.  Although enough damage has been done to the Interests of India Nation as well as citizens of India but still the corrections could be got constitutionally applied. Even Article-368 of Constitution of India has been unconstitutionally amended  in the said Presidential Order.

So strangely the amendments made to Constitution have been concealed from ‘general audit’ by not mentioning the same in the text of editions of main constitution and the amendments have been mentioned in the Appendix-1 {Constitution ( (application to Jammu and Kashmir ) Order 1954} and the Appendix-II (  Re-statement, with reference to the present text of the Constitution, of the exceptions and modifications subject to which the Constitution applies to the State of Jammu and Kashmir  ) .The result has been that there may be some people even in the legal profession as well who  have not that seriously taken notice of these facts / such amendments all these years.

But since addition of Art 35A in the  COI and adding a Proviso to Art 368 are of serious implications, the same have been particularly discussed by me with in the capacity of  my humble wisdom.

May be with more  expert /legal  review of the contents  of the orders like Constitution ( Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order 1954  a case could be made  for approaching the Hon’ble SC of  India praying for applying corrections. It could be prayed for review before the Hon’ble Apex Court  that (i) how could Article 368 of Constitution of India could be so handicapped as regards “application” to J&K Affairs. And in case even an amendment  (  s.55 of Constitution Forty Second Amendment Act 1976…. , after clause (3), the following clauses shall be inserted, namely:- "(4) No amendment ……) by Parliament of India   by way of Clause -4   and Clause-5  to Art 368 is against the basic spirit of COI (These section have  been declared invalid by the Supreme Court in Minerva Mills Ltd. and Others Vs. Union of India and Others (1980) 2 S.C.C. 591.) , then why is not Art 35A of Constitution of India  ( even some more amendments) against the basic structure of Constitution of India since amendment of Constitution adding Article-35A  has not been under Article -368 but by a simple Presidential Order. (Daya Sagar is a social activist and Senior Coloumnist J&K affairs dayasagr45@yahoo.com 09419796096)

A look through the Mist

Voter need be also given the option to  reject only a particular candidate by reducing his/her score by one

The civil society activists and NGOs will have to work in this direction

By

Daya Sagar

A apex court  bench headed by Hon’ble Chief Justice P Sathasivam has in its  27^th September order directed the Election Commission of India to provide 'none of the above options' ( NOTA) at the end of the list of candidates in electronic voting machines (EVMs) and ballot papers to allow voters to reject candidates contesting polls . It is surely a good humble beginning  although right to reject a contesting candidate and to recall a defaulter / non performing legislator have also  been the demands of some people fighting for electoral reforms in India. The order of the SC has to be implemented  immediately starting with  the upcoming assembly elections in five states – Delhi, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Mizoram.

Provision for registering ‘vote’ for no candidate did exist but it violated the ‘secrecy’ code. Under the present election rules, a voter who does not want to cast his ballot in favour of listed candidates  can do so by filling up form17 A by requesting the presiding officer . But the existing provision  is contrary to rules which provide for absolute secrecy in voting. A voter who fills up form 17A reveals his identity to all persons, including activists of various political parties. Average voting these days is around 45% to 50%. One of the reasons is people do not have faith or trust in the system. Though the polling day is declared a public holiday, the voter turnout remains low. Partly it is because voters are unable to express their disapproval of the candidates or the parties in a secret manner.

 But how far will this change will improve the conduct of the contesting political parties, contesting candidates and the voter citizen  need be seen keeping in view that the right given and procedure suggested by SC i.e  is to either vote in favour of  one of the candidates or  reject all the candidates. The apex court has opined  ( on 27^th September 2013 ) that  if right to vote is statutory right, right to reject candidate is fundamental right of speech and expression under Constitution and citizens have right to cast negative vote rejecting all candidates contesting polls where as the government ( respondent)  had submitted before the apex court that the writ ( filed by a NGO ,People's Union for Civil Liberties –PUCL demanding right for negative voting) was not maintainable as 'right to vote' was neither a fundamental nor a constitutional right, but only a statutory right.

No doubt we can hope that  negative voting (NOTA) would lead to systemic change in polls and political parties will be forced to project clean candidates but how far the effects would go in the immediate future  will  have to be tested.

It is a hard reality of the day that in elections huge sums of money are exchanged between the candidates and brokers to allure the innocent and economically poor voters (ii)  the caste / religion plays  significant role in elections (iii) the right to reject would not effect a particular candidate specifically (iv) the people who are in the habit of not casting their vote may still not go for casting vote they may think that they will not be able to reduce the vote count of  a particular candidate whom they may be considering  a nominated anti social element (v)  some ‘better off’ people may not still go to vote but those who are made to vote for a particular candidate in terms of material allurements or other social pressures would go and vote  (vi) may be some people who otherwise  go to vote and vote for the better of the lot, now go and vote for NOTA  (vii) the NOTA account would equally affect all candidates and those who have caste/ religion/ money/ muscle power  influenced voters would get benefitted. So, how far a simple provision like that of NOTA would put unscrupulous elements and impersonators out of the polls will have to be further discussed since it is not a Negative voting.

Similarly  it is being understood that NOTA option would not effect the result of an election in case more  electorate chose to cast negative/neutral votes  than  the maximum polled in favour of a particular candidate in the fray. Former CEC N Gopalaswami has been quoted as having  explained to TOI,  that even if 90 voters in an electorate of 100 persons press the NOTA button, the poll will be decided in favour of the candidate who gets the maximum of the remaining 10 votes.

No doubt Commission shall also make appropriate changes in Part-2 of Form 17C used during vote counting and  Form 20 to separately compile the number of persons who used the option not to vote for any of the candidates in the fray. In case NOTA gets highest number of votes, who would win ? I would say      reelection in the constituency would be the available option. And to add, in case more than half the Constituencies vote for NOTA, surely no government would be formed till result of reelection in NOTA ‘constituencies’ is known. Uncertainty surrounds such like questions.SC Bench has not advised what will happen if the votes cast under the NOTA option outnumber the votes received by any candidate. The question needs answer.

No doubt , though the facility of registering a neutral vote was already provided under rule  49 –O ( Elector deciding not to vote.—If an elector, after his electoral roll number has been duly entered in the register of voters in Form 17A and has put his signature or thumb impression thereon as required under sub-rule (1) of rule 49L, decided not to record his vote, a remark to this effect shall be made against the said entry in Form 17A by the presiding officer and the signature or thumb impression of the elector shall be obtained against such remark)  the Conduct of Election Rules  1961 but secrecy can be  maintained only  in a ballot system. The  Apex Court Bench too has  held that Election Conduct Rules 41(2) and (3) and 49-O ultra vires Section 128 of the Representation of the People Act and Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution to the extent they violate secrecy of voting. Under Rule 49-O of the  Conduct of Election Rules, 1961, a voter can ask the presiding officer to record that he is unwilling to vote anyone ,who in turn would make an entry in the relevant rule book after taking the signature of the said elector.   Many people even did not know this.  The proposal for  some thing like negative/neutral voting was also made  EC in December 2001 (CEC JM Lyngdoh ) and later carried by CEC  TS Krishnamurthy in July 2004.  So, with NOTA provision atleast   secrecy would be maintained.  

It can be hoped that the decision would encourage people not satisfied with contestants to turn up for voting and  would further empower the voters in exercising their franchise .

But  how far the Judgment will help clean up politics when it is also a fact  that people vote on the basis of caste, region and religion  will depend upon the process of creating awareness among people to clean up the system.

But the  provision of negative  voting can bring more of  the needed systemic change in the election process  by forcing the  political parties  to project clean candidates in polls in case the apex court as well as  Election Commission also consider / examine  putting a  ‘Not This Candidate’ ( NTC) Vote button along  side the YES button for each candidate. Voter need be given the option to reject all candidates ( NOTA) or  reject only a particular candidate- Not This Candidate (  NTC   ) by reducing his / her vote by one ( negative vote).

Of course SC order is surely  a warning call  for  the institutions to maintain their own credibility. If the political system is not going to maintain its credibility, other institutions would take over reform process.

(*Daya Sagar  a  social activist and a renowned coloumnist on Kashmir affairs dayasagr45@yahoo.com }

Doondh ke oos paar

Keya sirf Rashtrapati ke ek adesh se Anushed -35A ko vidhan mein dalna sambhedamik hai ?

by

Daya Sagar

Pichlae kush saloan se  jab bhi mujae kaheen par  THE CONSTITUTION (APPLICATION TO JAMMU AND KASHMIR) ORDER, 1954 C.O 48 of 14 May 1954  ( Presidential order)  ki charcha karnae ki avasheykata  padee hai toe  mujae lagta rahaa hai ki  rashtrapati jee dwara keeyae geyae THE CONSTITUTION (APPLICATION TO JAMMU AND KASHMIR) ORDER, 1954 C.O 48 of 14 May 1954    ki vaidhta  par vaidhanik  aur logical ( tark ki )  drishti  se veechaar karnae ki  avashaykata hai. Aesa lagta hai ki  kaheen bharat ke vidhan ke anushed (Article) -370 mein ooplabdh prabhdanoan ka  eis order ( aadesh)   ko karnae mein anuchit  ya asambhedanik dang se prayog toe nahin keeya geaa hai.  ……..

Snakshipt mein agar kahein to yeh kahaa ja sakta hai ki  anushed -370  ke jin prabhdanoan ka prayog rashtrapati dawara sirf  sadharan exceptions (apbadoan   )  aur  modifications ( oopantaranoan  )  ke leeyae keeya ja sakta hai  oon ka prayog  bharat ke sambhidhan ya sambhidhan ki kush dharoan mein sanshodhan karnae ke leeyae   14 May 1954 ke  eis aadesh mein keeya geyaa tha. Bharat ke vidhan mein  Article -35 ke baad  Article-35 A  ko 1954 mein rashtrapati dawara ek adesh de kar dalna esee shrenee mein  aata hai. Yehee anushed (Article ) -35A jammu Kashmir sambandit kush vishangateoan ka kaaran kahaa ya sakta hai. 

Bharat ke sambhidhan mein Dhara -35A ko ek rashtrapati dawara keeyae geyae  aadesh se dalna  tarak sangat  nahin dikhta . Bo bhi jab eis anushed  dawara aesa prabhdhan keeya ja raha tha jis se  bharat ki anay reayastoan ke nagrikoan ke mool adhikaroan  ( Article-16  right to employment , Article-19 right to property, etc) ka hanan karnae balae kanoon bananae ka adhikaar ek rajay Sarkaar / rajay ki vidaeeka ko deeya ja raha tha. Yeh Article -35A  ke antragat hi hai ki J&K ke Vidhan mein section- 51 (  Qualification of membership of the Legislature )  , section-127 ( Transitional Provisions -  like government services ) , section- 140   (   Elections to the Legislative Assembly / Voting right  ) dalee jaa sakeen  jin ke antragat  jammu Kashmir mein rehnae balae bhartiyae nagrikoan ko  bharat ki anay reeyasatoan mein rahnae balae bhartiyae nagkikoan ki tulna  mein jammu Kashmir mein  kush  vishesh  adhikaar prapt hain  jo  maulik adhikaroan se sambhandit hain.

Saaf aur sadae shabdoan mein agar kahein toe jab bhi  kisee anushed (article) mein koyee clause jodee jaey ya jab bhi kisee article ki kisee clause ( khand) ko kisee doosaree clause  se replace keeya jaey  ya jab bhi koyee neyaa article anushed sambhidhaan mein joda jaeyae  ya kisee article  mein koyee proviso joda jaey toe jakinan  aesa karna sambhidhaan mein  sanshodan karnae jaesa hi hai. Jo shabdabalee rashtrapati dawara 1954 mein keeyae geyae  adesh mein  Article -35 A ko dalnae ke leeyae prayog ki geyee hai bo vidhan mein sanshodahn karnae jaesee hi hai.  Aur Rashtrapati Jee apnae str par Vidhan ke  Article -370  ki (khand ) Clause (1)  ke antrgat  sirf Jammu Kashmir rajay ki sarkaar ki sehmati se vidhan mein sanshodan nahin kar saktae hain. Rashtrapati ji ko sirf  Kendra Sarkaar ke adhikaar balae visheon ko rajay Sarkaar se pramarsh kar ke  namankit karna hota hai aur oon par kanoon Art-370 Clause (1) Sub-Clause (b-i) & (b-ii) ke antragat sansad hee banaa sakti hai. 

Kush dharein  ya  references jis tarah se   THE CONSTITUTION (APPLICATION TO JAMMU AND KASHMIR) ORDER, 1954 C.O 48 of 14 May 1954  mein inkit hain bo jakinan  sambhidhan mein sanshodhan ki shrenee mein aatee dikhtee hain    yo sirf sansad kar saktee thee na ke Rashtrapati Jee.

Where as the expressions like “add” / “substitute” in Article  or In Clause … of Article…..   have been used in the said order.  Article -35  & 35A ; Article -368, Article-7, Article-19, could be quoted for examination.  

Anushed -35A ko bharat ke sambjdhan  ke   anushed -370  ke Khund -1 ke oop khand –d  ke antragat rashtrapati ke aadesh se sambhidhan mein daala geya tha  jo rastrapati jee ko parliament dawara keeyae janae balae kaam karnae ka adhikaar nahin deta hain. Rashtrapati jee ko keval etna hi adhikaar hai ki bo sansad dawra paarit kanoon ko/ sambhidhan ke provisions ( oopvandoan) ko   jammu Kashmir  ke leeyae kush sadharan exceptions (apbaadoan   )  aur  modifications ( oopantaranoan  ) ke saath anakit kar  sakein.  Exceptions (apbadoan   )  aur  modifications ( oopantaranoan  ) ka yeh arth  kadapee nahin ho sakta  ki rashtrpati jee sambhidhaan mein doorgami sanshodan kar sakein ya sambhidhan ke mool sindhantoan  mein fer - badal beena sansad ko vishwaas  mein leeyae  kar sakein.

Aksar yeh kahaa jaata hai ki Jammu Kashmir rajay mein bharat ke nagrikoan ke kush mool adhikaroan  ( Art- 16.1,16.2  ,  19.1 ,  etc )  ka hanan sirf eis leeyae hota hai ki jammu Kashmir rajay ka ek alag vidhan hai par aesa kehna poori tarah tarak sangat nahin hai keon ki aesa karnae ka adhikaar Bharat ke sambhidhan mein  rashtrapati ke ek adesh  se Anushed     35-A ko daal kar  sambhidhan ke antragat deeya geyaa hai. Yadee  Art-35 A nahin hota to  jammu Kashmir ki sambhidaan sabha  vidhan mein  Section-51 ( Candidature for J&K Legislature) , Section- 127 ( employment in J&K government institutions and Section-140 ( voter eligibility for Assembly Elections)  jaesae prabhdaan nahin rakh saktee. Eis leeya jammu Kashmir ki sambhidaan sabha ya jammu Kashmir ke vidan  par arop lagana theek nahin hai. Yadee Art-35A na hota toe bharat ke kush nagrikoan ko jo jammu Kashmir  ke permanent resident  na hoan ko jammu Kashmir Sarkaar mein  naukari lenae , jammu Kashmir mein sampati khareedanein aur yahaan ki assembly mein vote dalnae ka adhikaar na dena sambhav nahin hota.

Eis leeyae jo visangatiyaan  Article -35A ko  rashtrapati jee ke adesh dwara dalnae se ootput huyee hain oon ko bharat ke sambhidhaan ke mool seedhantaon ke pratikool kahaa ja sakta hai. Eis par vidhee ke visheshageon  aur anay veecharkoan ko vichaar karna chahiyae keon ki jis dang se Anushed -35A ko dalaa geyaa hai bo bharat ke vidhan mein sanshodhan karnae jaesae hi lagta hai. It has remained unquestioned for over 6 decades

This  could be seen as unconstitutional since Constitution of India can not be amended  by a Presidential order under Article -370 but can be amended only under  the provisions and procedure as laid down in Article 368 of COI.  Although enough damage has been done to the Interests of India Nation as well as citizens of India but still the corrections, if needed, could be got constitutionally applied.

Even Article-368 of Constitution of India  appears to have been  unconstitutionally amended  in the said Presidential Order. So strangely the amendments made to Constitution have been concealed from ‘general audit’ by not mentioning the same in the text of editions of main constitution and the amendments have been mentioned in the Appendix-1 {Constitution ( (application to Jammu and Kashmir ) Order 1954} and the Appendix-II (  Re-statement, with reference to the present text of the Constitution, of the exceptions and modifications subject to which the Constitution applies to the State of Jammu and Kashmir  ) .The result has been that there may be some people even in the legal profession as well who  have not that seriously taken notice of these facts  and such amendments all these years.

Par  keon ki sirf  rashtrapati ji ke ek adesh dawra  bharat ke   sambhidahan mein Art 35A ko dalna  aur  Anushed -368  mein ek   Proviso  jodna serious Vishay hain  eis leeyae meinae  apnee  samaj ( humble wisdom) ke anusaar ein visheshageon  ke bharat kea am nagrik aur vidhee visheshageon ke samnae rakhnae ki koshish ki hai.

May be with more  expert /legal  review of the contents  of the orders like Constitution ( Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order 1954  a case could be made  for approaching the Hon’ble SC of  India praying for applying corrections. It could be prayed for review before the Hon’ble Apex Court  that  in case even an amendment  (  s.55 of Constitution Forty Second Amendment Act 1976 ) by Parliament of India   by way of adding Clause -4   and Clause-5  to Art 368 is against the basic spirit of COI (These section have  been declared invalid by the Supreme Court in Minerva Mills Ltd. and Others Vs. Union of India and Others (1980) 2 S.C.C. 591.) , then why is not Art 35A of Constitution of India  against the basic structure of Constitution of India since amendment of Constitution adding Article-35A  has not been under Article -368 but by a simple Presidential Order.

(Daya Sagar is a social activist and Senior Coloumnist J&K affairs dayasagr45@yahoo.com 09419796096)

Doondh ke oos paar

Jammu Kashmir ke aam nagrik tak sachaeyee ko saaf aur seedae shabdoan mein pahoonchana hoga

By

Daya Sagar

Jammu Kashmir  riayasat  doosari bhartiya reasatoan ki tarah hi hai eis baat ko Kashmir ghati mein jameenee str par le janae ko aaj prathmikta denee hogee agar dilli balae Kashmir Ghati se pichlae 23 saal se bahar batak rahae kashmiri hindu visthapit parivaroan ko oon ke ghar bapis le janae ke apnae abhiyaan ko vastvik karna chahtae hain. Aur is ke leeyae sab se pehlae Kendriyae Sarkaar ko  Jammu Kashmir ke mukhay mantri ke man mein paeda huyee eis shanka ko door karma hoga ki “Kashmir’ abhi poori tarah se Bharat ka hissa nahin bana hai keon ki 1947 mein  accession ke baad  Maharaja Hari Singh ne apnee Riyasat ko bharat mein ‘merge’ nahin keeya tha. Omar Sahib ko Kendriyae Sarkaar ne samjana hoga ki Hydrabad Riyasat Bharat  mein merge nahin huyee thee. Koyee bhi Riyasat bharat mein merge nahin huyee thee. Kush chotee –chottee  riyasatoan ko veobharik drishtee/ for administration purposes  se  ek doosarae ya badee riyasatoan mein merge deeya geyaa tha. Yeh baat oon ke salahkaroan ko bhi samjana bahoot jaroori hai keon ki  nahin to  yeh log aam admi ko  agae bhi mansik pratadna detae rahein gae. Aaj bo log jo Bharat ki Jammu Kashmir riaysat ke vidhan ko Bharatiyae vidhan se alag deekhanae  aur  rajay ke dwaj ko Bharat ke Rashtriyae Dawaj ke pratidawandee ki tarah prastut karnae ke paryaas kartae hain kus jeada hi ootsahit lag rahae hain.

Kush shirsh str ke log jammu Kashmir ko bharat ka atoot ang toe jaroor kehtae rahae hain aur kehtae bhi hain par eis ke saath saath bo kush vivadit veyakheyein bhi kartae rehtae hain. Bharat ke paksh mein ya Pakistan ke virod mein yeh log agar kabi- kabaar kush kehtae hain toe  bo sirf Satta hasil karnae ke rastae khulae rakhnae ke leeyae hi kehtae hein.

 Esee 25 September ke din Omar Abdullah ne badae ghambir prashan oothae thae aur 1947 mein  jammu Kashmir Riyasat ke bharat ganrajay ke saath huyae “accession’’( adhimilan ) par prashan khadae kartae huyae ek tarah se Kashmir ko ek aesae rajneetik veebad ki tarah pesh keeya tha jis mein Pakistan aur bharat virodee veechardhara rakhnae balaon ko poori tarah se nakaara nahin ja sakta. Aur fir esee 21^st October ke din bharat sarkar se Pakistan ke saath nibatanae ke leeyae baatcheet ke elaba aur bhi rastae  dekhnae ki slah dee  jis ko media mein bahoot jor se pracharit keeya geyaa. Jo kush Omar ne 25^th September ko kahaa oos par abh tak Man Mohan Sarkaar chup hai. Congress ke Pradesh adhyaksh Saif u Din Soz ne jaroor 21^st October ko kahaa ki jammu Kashmir poori tarah se bharat mein mil chooka hai. Par Soz jeh baat media ke madhyam se kehnae ke bajaey Omar Abdullah ko sedee kehnee chahiyae thee.. Saal 2010 mein bhi Omar Abdullah ne J&K ki Vidhan Sabha mein aesae prashan khadae keeyae thae tab bhi Dilli Sarkar chup rahee thi aur oos ke baad tab ke greh mantra aur bit mantra ne omar ke kathan mein koyee  galat baat nahin dekhi thee.

Saal 1947 ke pehlae jis tarah se kush kashmiri netaon ne Dogra raj ke viroodh andolan shooroo keeya tha aur oos ka Congress ke shirsh netaon ne saath de kar Jammu Riasat ki stheetee ko 1947 mein vigaad deeya tha esee tarah se bharat ke viroodh kush alaggaab badi tatboan dawara keeyae geyae andolan ko Delhi dawara mukhay dhara ke kahae janae balae kush kashmiri netaon ki satta ki dord mein banae rehnae ki lalsa par lagaam na laganae se aaj Kashmir Ghati mein bharat ki neeyat aur Status par prashan khade karna ek aam veobhaar ki baat ban geyee hai. Eis baat sae  bhi inkaar nahin keeya ja sakta  kush logoan ko Jammu Kashmir ki prabhusatta ka bharat dwara hanan karne  aur bharat par Kashmirion ke saath vishwaasghaat karnae jaese arop laganae se oon ko   bahoot labh mila hai. Eis se oon ko bhi labh hua hai  jo bharat mein jammu Kashmir ke 1947 October mein huyae vilay /adhimilan  par prashan oothatae hain . Aesae log aprataksh roop se videshi taktoan ke saharae  bharat ki shantee bhang karnae baloan ke bhi sahyogi bantae rahae hain aur aaj bhi banae huyae hain.

Dilli ki mookta se kush log to etnae ootsahit ho geyae hain ki bo beena kisee vaidhanik tarak ke jahaan tak  maang kar rahae hain ki  bo sarae bhartiyae kanoon  jo Jammu Kashmir ka vidhan likhnae se pehlae ja baad mein lagaey geyae hain oon ko  hata dena chahiyae. Ein mein bahoot se log bo bhi hain jo 1947 ke baad bhartiyae reyasat jammu Kashmir ki sarkaroan aur vidaeeyka  ke hissa rahae hain aur jin ke bajurg netataon ne ja jin ke rajnitik daloan ne jammu Kashmir ki rajay ke Sarkaar/ veedhaeka  ki  swakritee de kar article 370 ke madhayam se  bharat ke vidhan ki kush Kendra tak seemit dharaon  ko jammu Kashmir mein bhi kush doosarae Rajeon ki tarah seeda lagoo karnae ki parikriya mein samay samay par bhaag leeya.

Eis baat ko undekha nahin keeya ja sakta ki Jammu Kashmir ko jo likhit “Vidhan” deeya geya hai eis ka prabdhaan Bharat ke Vidhan se nikla hai. Par Jammu Kashmir ke paas ek alg vidhan hai yeh sandesh ek aam admi ko denae mein kush log kaamjaab ho geyae hain.Par Delhi se sahee veekheya nahin huyee hai.

Yeh kaha ja sakta hai ki jis tarah doosari riyasatoan ke lityae bharat ke vidhan ( 1950) ki dhara Article  246 Ke antragat visheon ko UNION list ( soochee), state list aur concurrent  soochee mein banta geyaa hai oosee tarah Jammu Kashmir ke liyae  visheon ko  alg dang se  union aur state  jaesee soochi mein rakha geyaa hai oos ka vivran vidhan ki dhara -370 ke madhyam se keeya geya hai.. Veakhaya ke liyae hum keh saktae hain ki Jo Vishay anay rajeonkeliyae  “State” soochi mein aatae thae / hain oon ko Jammu Kashmir ke liyae asthayee tor par ek alag soochi mein rakha geyaa aur oos soochi ko “JK Vidhan” ke naam se rakhae geyae prabhdhoan  ke antrgat  karey karnae ke liyae bharat ke vidhaan mein kendriyae sarkaar / sansad ke liyae article 370 ka prabhdaan keeya geyaa jaesae ki anay rajeon ki rajay soochi par kendar / Sansad ke  kaam karnae keliyae bharat ke vidhan mein dhara ( article) 249 jaesee daron  ka prabhdaan rakha geyaa tha.Yeh bhi kaha ja sakta hai ki Jammu Kashmir ke liyae jo rajay soochi ke vishay thae oon par bhi J&K ke vidhan ki shakal mein ek likhit neeyamabalee banaa di geyee taa ki  aanae balee rajay sarkaroan par man marji karnae par kush rok lagee rahae. Yeh main ek aam veaakhaya ke liyae  keh raha hoon  ( shabdik tor par koyee eis par tark kar sakta hai kayon ki Jammu Kashmir ke liyae VIDHAN shabd ka payog keeya geeya hai}. Jammu Kashmir ke liyae koyee inkit State List  aaj nahin hai  kayon ki eis prakaar ke visheon ki veeyakheya ek tarah se article 370 ke antragat  kee geyee hai.

Eis baat se bhi inkaar nahin keeya ja sakta ki bo sab prabhdhaana jin par aaj kush log vivaad khadae kar rahae hain azad Bharat ke “ baristh / bazurg” netaon ne keeya thae na  ki Jammu Kashmir ke logoan ne khud keeya thae. Bharat ke vidhan mein dhara 370 ka prabdhan bhi bharat ke logoan ne asthayee roop mein  khud keeya tha. Jammu Kashmir ke  log agar eis prakar ki karay pranali ko hi rakhna  toe oon ko samjaana hoga ki kayon jeh oon ke liyae theek nahin hai

Ek samay tha jab sirf taknikee star par bharat mein Jammu Kashmir ke vilay ( adhimilan) ka virodh karnae baloan ko nakara ja sakta tha. Par kayon ke pehlae Delhi mein bathae netaon ne aur doosari reasatoan ke nagrikoan ne eis aur samar par oochit dhhayaan nahin deeya , eis liyae aaj sirf takinikee  tathaeon aur tarkoan se Kashmir ghatee mein ( khas kar )aam admi ke man mein paeda ki geyee shankaon ko door karna etna aasan nahin hai.

 Eis liyae bharat ki sarkar aur rajnitik netaon ko  aab dal gat rajneetee se oopar ooth kar  ein tatboan aur veechardaroan se nivatanae ka samadhaan doondna hoga. Jammu Kashmir ke aam nagrik tak sachaeyee ko saaf aur seedae shabdoan mein pahoonchana hoga..Oon sab tatheon aur tarkoan  ko joothlana hoga jin ka prayog alagbadi aur aur jahaan tak mukhaydhara ke kahae janae balae  keyee log  bhi karate payee jatae hain.Jin logoan ne  kush  aesae kathit   “badae” keeyae  jin ko aaj mukhaydhara ke kush kashmiri neta “accession aur merger” jaesee controversies ko oothane ke leeyae prayog kartae hain , oon ke ‘ “uttraadhikarion ko  poocha  jana chahiyae tha. Na hi  ein vishayeon ki sahee veakheya oon ke baad ki sarkaroan ne ki. Yehee karan hai ki bharat ki keyee riyasatoan ka 1947 mein bharat ganrajay mein adhimilan hua par charcha sirf Jammu Kashmir rajay ki hotee hai.

Kashmir Ghati see bahaan ka mool neevasee kashmiri Hindu ( jeeyada tar Brahmins/ Pandits), aur Aaj doosarae rajeon ke kush Hindu aur Musalmaan bhi, karib 20 saal se oopar ke samay se   Ghatee ke bahar reh rahae hain. Ein  ko bapis le janae ki jojnaein oon kush logoan ke dawab ke neechae dab geyee hain jo aaj khulae tor par J&K ke bharat ke saath accession ko  chunotee detae hain. ( * Daya Sagar is a Sr coloumnist of Kashmir affairs and a social activist  dayasagr45@yahoo.com).